This article is a sequel to my earlier piece on the need to abandon strikes as a means of bargaining for improvements in Nigerian university education. Here, an attempt is made to analyse the efforts made by successive Nigerian governments since 1999 to improve university education despite the incessant strike actions by ASUU.
The Nigerian government’s recurring failure to fully implement agreements with the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) is a complex issue rooted in political inertia, fiscal constraints, and a perceived lack of political will to prioritise education. This has created a depressing cycle of negotiations, strikes, and half-hearted interventions since the benchmark 2009 FGN-ASUU Agreement.
The government’s repeated failure can be critically analysed through the following lenses:
Lack of political will and official indifference
ASUU contends that the crisis is a direct consequence of official indifference and years of broken promises. Successive administrations have initiated renegotiation committees—such as the Wale Babalakin Committee in 2017 and the Nimi Briggs Committee in 2022—but have consistently failed to sign or implement the resulting documents, suggesting a low priority for resolving the crisis permanently.
Bureaucratic inertia
The government’s slow, inconsistent, and often inefficient responses, including the setting up of multiple committees to revisit the same issues, reveal significant bureaucratic inertia and a lack of urgency within the system.
Coercion over conscience
Though provided for by Nigerian labour laws and the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the frequent invocation of the “no work, no pay” policy is seen by ASUU as an attempt to use coercion as a substitute for conscience or thoughtful dialogue.
Fiscal constraints and underfunding
As if all these were not enough, government officials frequently cite fiscal constraints. Inadequate funding remains at the core of ASUU’s demands. The union has consistently maintained that sustainable funding and revitalisation of public universities must be prioritised. The government’s inability to commit sufficient budgetary allocations to education is, indeed, a critical stumbling block.
Affordability and constitutional purview
Government officials sometimes argue that ASUU’s demands—particularly those relating to salary adjustments and funding—may be beyond the government’s current financial capacity or constitutional purview, especially when agreements were drafted without the full involvement of the Ministries of Justice, Finance, Education, and the National Assembly.
Structural and legal gaps
Early agreements, such as the 2019 Memorandum of Understanding, have been criticised for their limited scope and lack of enforcement mechanisms, particularly regarding recommendations for state universities. This gap is likely why state universities are often unjustifiably drawn into strike actions.
Contractual ambiguity
There has been recurring contention over whether certain documents constitute signed agreements or merely drafts or proposals, as claimed by some government officials. This ambiguity weakens the legal enforceability of the terms and leaves room for future breaches.
With all these issues, I firmly believe an alternative to strikes must be found—one that could lead to a sustainable path for resolving the FGN-ASUU imbroglio. This requires both parties to shift from a conflict-driven model to a partnership anchored in long-term structural reform.
Furthermore, the government and ASUU must both ensure legal and financial commitment to all future agreements if any meaningful solution is to be found.
To achieve this, the following must be ensured:
- Legal Enforceability: All final agreements must be gazetted for legal enforceability with full involvement of the Ministry of Justice to ensure compliance with constitutional provisions.
- Budgetary Alignment: Commitments for funding and allowances must be integrated into the annual appropriation budget, with a predictable schedule for payment of earned allowances, arrears, and revitalisation funds. The National Assembly must be part of negotiations from the onset, and the government must clearly state what it can afford and be truthful about its shortcomings.
A holistic renegotiation and sincere engagement
One sure way of ending this recurring crisis is to adopt what I call a holistic renegotiation of old agreements—anchored not just on financial matters, but also on structural reforms, accountability mechanisms, and inclusive policymaking.
Sincere engagement can only be achieved if both the government and ASUU suspend punitive measures and belligerent unionism. In the interest of the nation’s future, there should be a moratorium on strike actions in the university sector for the next ten years.
The National Assembly, in collaboration with the Executive, should declare an emergency on university education, during which the right of unions to embark on strike is formally suspended. This will make the vexatious “no work, no pay” policy unnecessary. Both parties should return to the negotiation table with a genuine commitment to address the core issues.
I also reiterate my earlier proposal for third-party mediation, involving credible, reputable, and sincere mediators who can bridge the gap of distrust and facilitate a workable resolution.
The Legislative Oversight of the National Assembly should be strengthened to ensure compliance and hold the executive accountable throughout the emergency period and beyond.
Future agreements should also be student-centred to ensure that the ultimate beneficiaries of the educational system are not overlooked in the pursuit of administrative and welfare goals.
A look at past government efforts
Since 1999, each administration has made specific, though often controversial, contributions to Nigerian university education. Achievements have ranged from expanding access to introducing funding and reform initiatives, but all administrations have also faced persistent challenges in funding, infrastructure, and industrial harmony.
Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007)
- Expansion and Liberalisation: Liberalised the education sector, allowing private-sector investment and licensing new private universities.
- Accreditation and Reform: The National Universities Commission (NUC) conducted accreditation and ranking exercises to assess university performance.
- Anti-Cultism Campaign: Intensified efforts to combat cultism in tertiary institutions.
- Challenges: Frequent and prolonged ASUU strikes over poor funding disrupted the university system.
Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (2007–2010)
- Focus on Dialogue: Engaged ASUU and other unions to address grievances and improve the university system.
- Niger Delta Education: The Amnesty Programme provided educational and professional training for youths in the Niger Delta.
Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015)
- Expansion of Federal Universities: Established 12 new federal universities, expanding access to higher education.
- TETFund Reforms: Strengthened the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund), disbursing over N500 billion to improve infrastructure and quality.
- Scholarship Programmes: Funded postgraduate studies for over 5,800 lecturers, including many trained abroad.
- Infrastructural Development: Modernised laboratories, ICT centres, and instructional materials in tertiary institutions.
Muhammadu Buhari (2015–2023)
- Institutional Expansion: Established 37 new educational institutions, including universities and polytechnics.
- TETFund Investment: Disbursed an unprecedented N1.702 trillion through TETFund to tertiary institutions.
- Teacher Welfare: Introduced a special salary scale and pension scheme for teachers.
- Admission Reform: JAMB introduced the Central Admission Processing System (CAPS).
- Challenges: Despite record funding, ASUU lost over 610 days to strikes during this period.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu (2023–Present)
- Student Loan Programme: Established the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) to provide interest-free loans to indigent students.
- Academic Stability: Achieved the longest strike-free period in a decade (except for the ongoing warning strike).
- Funding and Infrastructure: Announced N110 billion investment to upgrade medical education in 18 universities and expanded the Energizing Education Project.
- Teacher Training: Initiated policies to improve teacher training and instructional quality.
While the removal of fuel subsidies and exchange rate unification have impacted the cost of living, some observers question the sustainability of the new student loan system.
Nevertheless, it is evident that if the years between 1999 and now had been strike-free, progress in the university system would have been far greater. This reinforces my conviction that strikes are not the solution to improving university education in Nigeria.
Finally, I hope more concerned Nigerians will join this discourse until a viable alternative is found—one that leads to a functional university education system capable of making Nigeria relevant in the 21st century and beyond.
