The Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) strikes have been a recurring phenomenon in Nigeria’s educational landscape, with far-reaching consequences for students, parents, and the nation as a whole. While the strikes are intended to press home demands for improved working conditions, better funding, and educational reforms, they have become increasingly counterproductive, causing more harm than good to the Nigerian education system.
Before we delve into some of the harmful effects of these disruptive strikes, let’s take a brief look down memory lane.
Chronological list of ASUU strikes (1999 to the latest “war drums”)
1999 – 5 months: Over demands for improved working conditions shortly after the return to civilian rule.
2001 – 3 months: Over the non-reinstatement of 49 sacked lecturers at the University of Ilorin (UNILORIN).
2002 – 2 weeks: Protest against the government’s failure to implement previous agreements and underfunding of universities.
2003 – 6 months: Continued disagreement over the non-implementation of the 2001 agreement.
2005 – 2 weeks: General industrial action.
2006 – 3 days: A warning strike over unresolved issues from earlier strikes.
2007 – 3 months: Reiteration of demands for improved funding and implementation of past agreements.
2008 – 1 week: A warning strike to push for an improved salary scheme and reinstatement of the 49 UNILORIN lecturers.
2009 – 4 months: Indefinite strike over disagreements with the government, leading to the 2009 FG/ASUU Agreement.
2010/2011 – 5 months (July 2010 – January 2011): Over non-implementation of the 2009 Agreement.
2011/2012 – 59 days (December 2011 – February 2012): Over inadequate university funding and failure to implement a 70-year retirement age for professors.
2013 – 5 months, 15 days (July – December): Protest over the government’s failure to fund revitalization of the university system with N1.3 trillion, as promised in the 2009 Agreement.
2016 – 7 days: Warning strike over government’s failure to implement the 2009 Agreement and 2013 MOU.
2017 – 1 month (August – September): Indefinite strike over unresolved issues with the Federal Government, including poor funding.
2018/2019 – 3 months (November 2018 – February 2019): Over the government’s refusal to release earned academic allowances.
2020 – 9 months (March – December): Protest against the government’s decision to enroll ASUU members on IPPIS and non-implementation of the 2009 Agreement.
2022 – 8 months (February – October): Over the government’s refusal to adopt UTAS, pay earned allowances, and fund university revitalization.
It is worth noting that the durations and specific dates of some of the shorter strikes may vary slightly across different sources. The recurring non-implementation of agreements—particularly the 2009 FG/ASUU Agreement—remains the core driver of nearly all these actions.
Disruption of academic calendars
One of the primary concerns with ASUU strikes is the significant disruption they cause to academic calendars. Students are forced to endure prolonged periods of uncertainty, leading to frustration, anxiety, and a loss of interest in academic pursuits.
This disruption also affects the quality of education, as academic programs are often truncated or condensed to make up for lost time, thereby compromising the integrity of the educational process.
Negative impact on students’ academic performance
Research has shown that ASUU strikes have a negative impact on students’ academic performance. A study on the impact of ASUU strikes found that strikes lead to:
Poor Academic Performance: Students who experience frequent strikes tend to perform poorly in their studies, as they struggle to cope with disrupted academic calendars.
Loss of Interest: Repeated strikes can lead to a loss of enthusiasm for learning, as students become disenchanted by the instability.
Brain Drain: Frequent strikes contribute to the brain drain phenomenon, as Nigerian academics seek more stable and conducive environments abroad.
Neglect of available development funds
One of the most frustrating aspects of these repeated strikes is that while ASUU blames government for unfulfilled agreements, it often ignores the refusal of many universities to utilize development funds already made available through the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund).
The claim that funds for university development are lying dormant because institutions fail to meet conditions for accessing them is true. According to TETFund’s Executive Secretary, Sonny Echono, nearly ₦600 billion belonging to TETFund and various institutions remains unaccessed because universities have failed to apply for the funds.
This situation shows that even when resources are available, inefficiency and poor administrative processes within universities hinder development.
Compulsory participation of state universities
Another vexing issue is the compulsion of state-owned universities to join ASUU strikes that concern primarily federal universities. This practice raises questions about ASUU’s stance on “true federalism.”
If state universities have distinct governing authorities and challenges, why should they be compelled to suspend their activities for federal issues? Such blanket participation undermines autonomy and penalizes students unnecessarily.
Authoritarian tendencies within ASUU
Equally disturbing is the dictatorial tendency of ASUU leadership, where members are often denied the right to refuse participation in strikes. This violates both Nigeria’s labor laws and International Labour Organisation (ILO) conventions that uphold workers’ freedom of association and choice.
Furthermore, after long strikes, ASUU often demands payment of withheld salaries despite the “No Work, No Pay” principle enshrined in Nigerian labor law and ILO standards. This approach further weakens public trust and accountability.
Alternative approaches to dispute resolution
Given the adverse consequences of ASUU strikes, it is imperative to explore more productive alternatives to conflict resolution. Some viable options include:
Negotiation and Dialogue: Engaging in consistent, good-faith dialogue between ASUU and the government to resolve disputes without disruptions.
Third-Party Mediation: Involving neutral mediators to bridge communication gaps and promote compromise.
Institutional Reforms: Implementing reforms to address systemic inefficiencies and improve university governance and funding structures.
Conclusion
While the right to strike is a legitimate labor right, the frequency and consequences of ASUU strikes in Nigeria demand a serious reevaluation. The constant resort to industrial action has eroded the credibility of university education, diminished the morale of students, and hindered national development.
By exploring dialogue-based dispute resolution and enforcing internal accountability, Nigeria can move toward a more stable, efficient, and progressive university system—one that truly serves its students and the future of the nation.
References:
¹ ATBU Journal of Science, Technology and Education
² Comparative Analysis of the Incessant Strike by Academic and Non-Academic Staff Union of Universities on Students’ Academic Performance
