When Propaganda Replaces Memory: A recent article by Abubakar Umar Girei, now circulating online, attempts to revive tired propaganda against former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan (GEJ). Steeped in recycled accusations, the article misrepresents Nigeria’s economic history and dishonestly whitewashes the failures of Jonathan’s successors.
This column sets the record straight—with verifiable facts and comparative logic. Nigerians deserve truth, not tribalism dressed as opinion, and certainly not propaganda disguised as patriotism.
1. The Oil Boom Myth and Economic Misrepresentation
Girei asserts that Jonathan squandered an oil boom and embezzled reserves. Facts tell a different story.
Between 2011 and 2014, Nigeria faced a global oil price collapse, widespread oil theft, and internal sabotage. Despite these challenges, Jonathan’s government maintained average economic growth of 6–7%, rebased the GDP—making Nigeria the largest economy in Africa at $574 billion in 2014—and attracted significant foreign direct investment.
In 2011, he established the Sovereign Wealth Fund (SWF) with $1 billion, a historic first for Nigeria despite resistance from governors (many now in the APC).
Compare that to today:
Buhari and Tinubu sold oil post-COVID at competitive prices but oversaw the complete collapse of the naira, inflation soaring above 30%, and national debt rising from ₦12 trillion to over ₦80 trillion. Under Jonathan, the dollar exchanged at ₦160–₦197; under Tinubu, it is now over ₦1,500.
2. Who Really Saved Nigeria’s Reserves?
Girei credits all reserve savings to Obasanjo and Yar’Adua while accusing Jonathan of depleting them. He ignores the fact that the Excess Crude Account (ECA) and foreign reserves are federally owned—not at the president’s sole discretion.
Withdrawals from the ECA required approval from the National Economic Council (NEC), which includes state governors. Many, including Rotimi Amaechi, Adams Oshiomhole, and Kayode Fayemi, pushed to deplete savings for political purposes.
Despite political constraints, Jonathan maintained macroeconomic stability and resisted excessive borrowing.
Today, after all the borrowings and “savings” rhetoric, Buhari and Tinubu have left Nigeria with depleted foreign reserves, zero fiscal buffers, and crippling subsidy frauds rebranded as reforms.
3. Security: Did Jonathan Lose Nigeria?
Girei paints Jonathan as weak on security because of Boko Haram’s territorial control. The fuller picture says otherwise.
Boko Haram’s insurgency escalated after 2009, but Jonathan rebuilt the military, launched sustained air strikes, and began reclaiming lost territories by late 2014. Weapons purchases from Russia, Belarus, and South Africa enabled these gains.
Jonathan also conducted general elections under direct security threats and conceded defeat peacefully—an unprecedented act of democratic maturity in Nigeria.
What followed?
Despite record military budgets, Buhari’s administration failed to contain insecurity, which metastasized into nationwide banditry, mass kidnappings, IPOB insurrection, farmer-herder clashes, and a vast criminal economy. The death toll under APC rule exceeds 100,000 from terrorism and crime combined.
4. The Tribal Appointments Lie
One of the most dangerous propaganda lines is that Jonathan ran an Igbo-centric government. The facts:
- Vice President: Namadi Sambo (North)
- NSA: Sambo Dasuki (North)
- CBN Governor: Sanusi Lamido (North)
- EFCC Chair: Ibrahim Lamorde (North)
- SGF: Anyim Pius Anyim (South East)
- Petroleum Minister: Diezani Alison-Madueke (South South)
- Finance Minister: Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (South East)
- Army Chiefs: Azubuike Ihejirika (SE), later Kenneth Minimah (SS)
This was a balanced, technocratic, and inclusive cabinet. Compare that to Tinubu’s government, where over 80% of key appointees—Finance, CBN, FIRS, Customs, NSA, and others—are from the Southwest.
5. Corruption Allegations: Where Are the Convictions?
Yes, Jonathan’s administration faced corruption allegations—but which administration hasn’t?
To date, no high-profile conviction has been secured against any Jonathan-era cabinet member, despite a decade-long EFCC/APC pursuit. Diezani Alison-Madueke has not been convicted anywhere. Meanwhile, APC figures like Amaechi, El-Rufai, Ganduje, and Tinubu’s close allies remain unprosecuted despite glaring scandals.
Corruption didn’t end after Jonathan—it expanded and became institutionalized.
6. Legacy Projects: More Than Meets the Eye
Girei claims Jonathan “did nothing.” The record proves otherwise. Among his notable achievements:
- Abuja–Kaduna Railway
- Power sector privatization initiative
- Establishment of 12 new federal universities
- Almajiri Education Scheme
- Remodelled international airports
- Digitization drive under the National Identity Management Commission (NIMC)
- Infrastructure revival in health and roads (YouWin, SURE-P)
Even Tinubu today is commissioning projects initiated under Jonathan.
Conclusion: Who Really Ruined Nigeria?
Let Nigerians judge:
Jonathan handed over a growing economy, low debt, and a stable exchange rate.
Buhari and Tinubu have destroyed the naira, drowned the nation in debt, and driven inflation to devastating levels.
Goodluck Jonathan was not perfect, but he was far from a calamity. He was the last president under whom Nigeria enjoyed peace, economic dignity, and a coherent national direction.
It is time to bury the lies and face the truth: GEJ was not a mistake—he was a missed opportunity. And perhaps, just perhaps, 2027 is Nigeria’s chance to correct that.
Yabo is a former Commissioner, Sokoto State; Political Strategist; Publisher, Yabo International Magazine; and Jonathan 2027 Coalition Strategist.
